Tag Archives: datascienceethicsframework

Data in the rest of Government: AI, and today’s laws for tomorrow’s benefits

AI has finally got Government to take data seriously.

Information is the blood of any bureaucracy – and copying is the circulatory system. “Digital” in its broadest form is just the latest wave of faster photocopiers – decisions keep getting made no matter how fast the machines work. Any good private secretary knows: if you control the paper flow, you steer the decisions.

Just as the Cabinet Office has “spend controls” for technology, there should be flow controls for data. Current data practice in Government is 5 different scandals away from adequacy. As with our work in the NHS, some of those will be public, some of those will be private – the scandal is optional, the improvements are inevitable.

Even where the is a fundamental disagreement about a policy in the non-secret parts of Government, there should be the ability to have a shared factual understanding of how data is used.  But even in the “non-secret” parts of Government, there are legitimate reasons for some projects to have limited information disclosed (fraud detection being an obvious one where some information should be withheld, or generalised). The recent Data Sharing Code of Practice Consultation from the Cabinet Office seems to get that balance right for fraud data.

It would be helpful to have political leadership stand up and say (again) that “Citizens should know how data about them is used, in the same way taxpayers should know how taxpayers’ money is spent.” (quoting Matt Hancock MP – then Minister for the Cabinet Office). But that is only helpful, not necessary, and there are sub-political choices which deliver benefits for the civil service and Departmental priorities absent political leadership.

The Spring 2017 Conservative Manifesto gave a strong and clear vision of how Verify could be at the heart of a Government that was accountable to its citizens (page 3). The question is whether new guidances lets that be implemented, or stymied. The Article 29 Working Party has yet to issue full guidance on the transparency requirements of GDPR – but waiting to do the minimum is not in the spirit of the UK’s desire for leadership in AI, nor goals regarding data.

Government has a range of data sharing powers, and they should all be subject to transparency – otherwise the failings of one will infect public confidence in all.

Fortunately, the range of discussions currently ongoing give the opportunity for the choices of the future to be better than the the past; if that is the desire. The National Statistician’s Data Ethics Committee is a good start, addressing the highest profile and precedent setting issues across Government. However, as with other parts of the Digital Economy Act (Part 5), there should be a Data Review Board for all data sharing decisions that don’t reach NSDEC: it gives a process for which data sharing decisions can be reviewed.

However, if there is an informed citizenry, with citizens able to see and understand how their data has  been used by government, the more complex questions of AI and algorithms become tractable. The status quo will not lead to a collapse in public services, and they will always be able to catch up, the question is only the nature of the political pain that Ministers will suffer because of their civil servants.

A number of Departments believe that “digital transformation” has either failed or is not for them, and they wish to go another way. But the target was always the outcome not the method, and the test is not the pathway, but delivery. How do Departments transform to reflect their current situation? Will they be accountable and to whom?

 

Bad ideas beyond the AI Review

The recent “AI Review” talks about how “Navigating a complex organisation like the NHS is an unfathomable task for small startups like Your.MD.”. Your.MD being a company which hosts data they collect in the US (ie subject to US law), and outsources coding to eastern Europe (it’s cheaper), and generally cuts every corner that a startup cuts (the corners being things required to protect NHS patients). It should not be too much to ask that anyone wishing to use NHS patient data is capable of hiring someone who can use google to find NHS data rules. Although, as that is a test that DeepMind catastrophically failed, maybe Monty Python was right to hope for intelligence somewhere out in space.

 

Loopholes (and the Data Protection Bill)

There are some areas where narrow special interests still see themselves as more important than the promises made to patients or citizens, and as more important the principle of no surprises for patients. No bureaucracy can rid itself of the temptation to do what is in the interests of only the bureaucracy. However, it can decide to hold itself to a higher standard of transparency to the people it serves, and let them make the decisions.

With clause 15 it is Government’s demonstrable intent to carve holes into data protection law for its own purposes. To balance such attempts, through the many gateways through which it is possible in the Bill, there must be transparency to a citizen of how their data is copied, even if it entirely lawfully. That allows a separation between whether data is copied, from the rules that cover data copying and access, and an informed democratic debate

AI has finally got institutions to take data seriously. In doing so, it has created a clear distinction between those who understand data from those who do not (the transition from the latter to the former is incentivised as the latter are easier to replace with an AI). As yet, the AI companies don’t yet understand (or wish to understand) the institutions they want data from – which suggests those companies too are easily replaceable (paras 35-49). The AI review also suggests “data trusts” mirror other dodgy kinds and replace the existing principle of safe havens. While some of the large charities can look at that approach as insurance should public confidence in a particular disease registry collapse, and they are entirely wise to do so, a lawful disease registry should command public confidence.

The dash to big data and AI does not mean everything we have learnt about confidentiality, institutions, and public confidence should be thrown away to satisfy startups with less history than a Whitehall cat.

Any external body which seeks to prevent misuse of data will likely fail over time. It is easy for mediocre managers to believe the sales pitch to buy a big system that will “do everything” – to flood a data lake – while earnestly convincing others that this approach will solve whatever problem they think you have. Care.data was supported by many sectors, long after the flaws were undeniable, it was only when the public became aware that their tune changed. How will the new bodies learn from that mistake? Do they even think they have to?

The actions of the Home Office have destroyed the integrity of Country of Birth / ethnicity data in the National Pupil Database. At no point was that a discussion – just a directive. It impossible to expect even the most privacy-interested civil servant to defend such a line – even if they remained implacably opposed, their successor eventually would not. There are 3.5 years before the next census. If the first thing the nation’s children know about a census is that it deports their classmates, the fundamental basis for all statistics about the UK will be fatally undermined for a decade. This isn’t counting cranes, it’s extra resources for the areas that think they have high levels of immigration….

Bad ideas never die until they are replaced by better ideas. The misstep in the life sciences strategy illuminates the way that the future may go wrong – there needs to be a way to course correct over time. Just as every use of data in the NHS should be consensual, safe, and transparent; every use of data by Government can be fair, safe, and transparent. That includes uses by any group who cares to assist and be accountable to the individuals whose data they desire.

Is there an interest in a strategic, practical, and available solution? If not, then how many more data scandals will it take, and how high will the associated price be?

There is a better approach, using today’s laws for tomorrow’s benefits.

Overview of Current Data Discussions – October 2017

Two weeks after our annual report and rest of government supplement, there are now a number of data consultations on going. We attempt to summarise them all here.

Data Protection Bill

The Data Protection Bill is passing through the House of Lords. Clause 15 if so significant concern, giving Ministers the ability to carve a hole in the Data Protection Act at will – something this Government claimed it wouldn’t do, as it was key safeguard in the Digital Economy Act earlier this year. As written, it is a dramatic change from the data protection status quo, and gives the Government broad powers to exempt itself from the rule of law.

We have a briefing on the Bill for Second Reading in the Lords.

As the NHS moves towards transparency over medical records, the very information provided via transparency must be subject to the same protections against enforced SAR as the records themselves. It’s unclear whether clause 172(1) does this sufficiently.

Implementing the Digital Economy Act: “Better Use of Data”

To plagiarise Baroness O’Neill, whose approach is very relevant here: better than what?

The Cabinet Office are consulting on the Digital Economy Act Codes of Practice. We have a draft response to that consultation, which goes into more detail on a number of issues raised in our rest of government supplement.

As for how that will be used in practice, the Cabinet Office are having meetings about updating their data science ethics framework, and the ODI is seeking views on their proposed data canvas. The canvas is better, but to qualify as science, it can’t just be some greek on a whiteboard, but must include a notion of accountability for outcomes, and falsifiability of hypotheses.

Otherwise, it’s not science, it’s medieval alchemy – with similar results.

Most interestingly, it appears that despite all it’s flaws, the current “data science ethics framework” is in use by Departments, and they do find it useful for stopping projects that are egregiously terrible. So while the framework allows unlawful and unethical projects through, preventing those was not their goal – the hidden goal was to stop the worst projects where every other “safeguard” has demonstrably failed. This is a good thing; it’s just a pity that the previous team denied it existed. The honesty from the post-reset team is welcome – the previous approach included denying to our face that a meeting like this one was taking place, after someone else had already told us the date.

… part 2 is now here

On what principles will data be used in the Single Government Department?

Whitehall proceeds step-wise, and ever more rapidly, towards an end state of a “Single Government Department”. This is Sir Humphrey’s decades-old vision of “Joined-up Government”, predicated upon Government doing whatever the hell it likes with your data, wherever and however it gets it, in flagrant disregard of Data Protection and Human Rights, Articles 8 and 14 (at least). User needs or departmental needs?

In a world where there’s a single Government (and government) data controller – the Data Controller in Chief; the Prime Minister, the final arbiter – will a single Department’s policies, practices and prejudices determine the list of Government policies?

We don’t see how it doesn’t.

It may be useful to begin with an NHS analogy. It’s a gross simplification, but it carries the necessary meaning.

There are multiple hospitals in Manchester – Royal Manchester Children’s Hospital, Manchester Royal Infirmary, and St Mary’s – all on the same site, with interconnected modern buildings, all built at the same time. Why are there three hospitals? Because when the new buildings were constructed, and everything was consolidated on one site, though treating them as a single hospital would seem most sensible, that would (to many people) effectively be “closing two hospitals”. Hence, there are three.

What about Government departments?

In a Britain with a single government department, what is currently the Home Office – with its particular approach (covered elsewhere) – will go on the rampage across all areas of everything.

For how will weaker policy goals be defended against stronger ones? “It’s a matter of national security, don’t you know…”

Clause 38 of the Digital Economy Bill “solves” this problem by simply ignoring it – those with the highest bureaucratic power will win the fight; we’ve seen this already with the Home Office demanding the names and addresses (p16) of patients – and it’s quite clear they’d have grabbed everything if they’d wanted to.

In this context, with the Digital Strategy of DCMS, and Cabinet Office’s warmed-over Government Transformation Strategy in play, what should happen to make the world they’re trying to build safe?

The greatest concerns must be with the Transformation Strategy; the current “ethics framework” suggested by GDS (the part of Cabinet Office responsible for writing the Strategy) is so flawed, for example, that it suggests a Privacy Impact Assessment can fit on a single sheet of A4 – the self-same strategy used to justify care.data, relying on NHS England’s public statements. Thus far, the country has been saved from a systemic collapse in trust by the fact that this “ethics framework” isn’t actually used by departments.

So what’s the alternative? A citizen view of Government.

Government insists it should be able to copy our data – whatever it wants, wherever and whenever it likes – including to its commercial partners, e.g. Google (or rather, Alphabet) DeepMind and Palantir, for whatever policy whim catches the interest of any particular official. Proportionality and public acceptance are irrelevant; these are not what the civil service is set up to do.

As we saw with DeepMind at the Royal Free Hospital, one person with power can torpedo years of careful and diligent work in order to meet their own short-term, narrow perspective, self-interested goals.

The single Government department makes this worse, if left unaddressed. What should replace it is a citizen view of Government.

This conversation has never been had. The discussions that have been facilitated were designed to get to the pre-conceived end state of the Cabinet Office. As such, the answer was given and civil society time was wasted on a ‘debate’ that was entirely pointless; any wider opportunity to improve the use of data in Government through the Digital Economy Bill was lost.

As an example, well-defined APIs might work for departments – but if departmental silos weaken (as is the explicit goal: “to remove barriers to data sharing”) then things begins to fail. Citizens should not have to rely on how Government talks to itself.

The start of the conversation has to be with complete transparency to citizens – with the likes of Verify and public bodies being accountable to the citizens they work for. Citizens can now be shown what data is required for their transactions, and from where it will be accessed, and why. Operational decisions should inform democratic debates, both by policy makers and citizens who wish to engage in democratic debates about the services that affect them.

Civil servants all work for the Crown and not the public – whatever ‘flavour’ of Government is in power – and this may be a tension that needs consideration. What happens when the political will meets the public won’t? How is trust in institutions maintained?

Because without action, continued secrecy and the drip drip of cockup will undermine all trust.

This works in practice

Fortunately, some NHS GPSoC IT Providers (the data processors who provide IT systems to your GP) have taken the lead in fixing the systems from within the system. How many decades will it take Whitehall to catch up?

We have already demonstrated what this looks like – with Verify and other tools.

Rather than a “single government department”, the principle should be a “Citizen View of Government” – where every service a citizen has touched can be seen, with accountability for how they used data and why. This would make Government accountable to the citizen, as it should be – without the citizen having to understand the intricacies of how Government works.

In a “Citizen View” world, whether Government is one Department or many doesn’t matter as much. If civil servants want to justify access to data, they can – but they must be aware that citizens will be told what data and why, and might become unhappy about it if the reasons aren’t just.

Any Government that fails tell its citizens what it is doing and why, or which doesn’t really want them to know, will not be wanted in return – as the EU discovered with Brexit. This is what the open policy making process should have prepared the groundwork for; the price of that failure keeps going up as digital continues its march.

Unless we wish to treat data about human beings with less care than we treat the data about carcasses in our food supply chain, ‘Globalisation 2.0’ will be based on registers and code – determining risk and eligibility for consumers and for regulators. This simply does not square with a world of copying data; it can only work in a world of APIs to data where there is a lawful, published case for each access, grounded in fundamental accountability to citizens about their data.

It is obvious that data about the food we eat should not be locked in a filing cabinet in Whitehall. It should be equally obvious that “taking back control” shouldn’t mean giving every civil servant a copy of all the data on every citizen.


Related pieces:

The Home Office: Secretive, Invasive, and Nasty

In various guises, those who coordinate medConfidential have been dealing with the effects of Home Office missteps for what now in total amounts to decades.

Liberty Human Rights Awards 2010

Liberty Human Rights Awards 2010

Here is some of what we have learnt:

Home Office is the part of Government that must confront and ‘deal with’ the absolute worst in the world: murder, rape, terrorism, paedophilia – the stuff no-one really wants to have to know about; things from which civilised people prefer to turn their eyes. There are obvious – and legitimate – reasons that some of what the Home Office does must be confidential or classified.

The people who we task with dealing with these terrible issues deserve to work in a culture of compassion and competence, with solid foundations in Justice – the current Home Office has none of these.

Secret: Hiding errors in a file marked Secret harms the public good.

As can happen with bureaucracies more generally, the hint of secrecy at Home Office has spread into an all-encompassing security blanket around any information that might be be helpful to an informed debate in a democracy.

Treating information about every offence and misdemeanour as if they were the worst, keeping arbitrary secrets, and hiding your actions while telling others they must simply trust that “It’s for your own good” are the actions of someone who has lost perspective. Lost a sense of proportion. And lost the ability to discriminate, except in the prejudicial sense.

The examples of this are countless – from Ministers’ refrain of “trust us” about the ID scheme to “We know but we can’t tell you” about the Communications Data Bill; from petty refusals to extreme resistance to simply ignoring requests for information; and as evidenced by the secret ‘National Back Office’ in the NHS, only exposed in 2014, when Sir Nick Partridge reviewed what happened in the building where the previous-but-one Home Office-administered ID card scheme ended up.

Worse than that, on getting information via a backdoor into people’s medical records, the Home Office wrote in secret to people’s doctors, telling them to deny treatment.

Invasive: No consideration of innocence, or the consequences of action

The political culture pervading the Home Office has led to an organisation which cannot consider side-effects.

It sent round “Go home” vans because they might contribute to a “hostile environment” for illegal immigrants, without any regard to the effects of that hostile environment on innocent parties.

And it’s lost the ability to discriminate: to Home Office, everything it looks at is a crime – or a potential crime – so it is prejudicial towards everyone.

In being unable to discriminate between ‘crimes’ – including thoughtcrime, and perfectly normal behaviour, such as trying to keep your personal communications private – Home Office discriminates wildly and inappropriately against whole classes of people, and individuals who have in fact done nothing (or very little) wrong.

And, in pursuit of its obsessions, it considers nowhere, and nothing, sacred (Q78).

If it will not respect the boundary of the confidential relationship between you and your doctor, where is it that you believe the Home Office will not go?

In this world view, the entire country gets treated the way the Home Office treats illegal immigrants (which it claims is “respectful”!) and – after many attempts, including a RIP Act that for years emboldened nasty, technocratic petty-mindedness down to the local council level – it has finally got its Investigatory Powers Act, so it can snoop on all our communications data.

Nasty: Fear breeds paranoia, and suspicion is contagious

Bullies are fearful. They don’t always appear to be – especially when they get themselves a gang. But you can tell bullies by the way they pick on people, and who they pick on; the weak, the odd, the vulnerable. People who can’t put up a fight.

The Home Office delivers little itself; it cannot act directly in many of the areas for which it is responsible. For these areas of concern, it develops policy, dispenses budgets for various programmes, commissions systems, lobbies for legislation, and other things – but it assumes everything will fail, which leads to suggestions like a 15 foot high concrete wall around Parliament: “Operation Fortress Commons”.

But the few things it can do corrupt everything. It tries to turn everyone it leans on in every part of the public services into a border guard, or a snitch. Demanding the Met hand over details of those who witness crimes makes everyone less safe – if you are the victim of a crime, you want those who know something to share what they know with the police, without fear that it may be used against them. In this case, the hostile environment is hostile against innocent victims of street crime, because the Home Office has harmful priorities.

There are countless examples of each of these, which will appear over the course of the campaign. Some of them will even come from us…

The Home Office has been responsible for a string of high profile, national embarrassments in recent years. Flawed decisions by Home Office led to national humiliation at the opening of Terminal 5 – ever wondered why the baggage handlers couldn’t get to work? The shameful disarray of the G4S contract for the Olympic Games, from which Home Office had to be rescued by the military. The collapse of many criminal trials because policy at SOCA and NCA was simply unlawful. The harm to the UK’s economy, and international reputation, from the wrongful deportation of 48,000 students – because the Home Office panicked after watching a TV programme. And the harm to public safety and public confidence.

Shorn of Justice, the Home Office has lost touch with humanity, proportion, and the fundamentally positive spirit of the Britain. Human Rights are pretty much all that protects you from excesses or mistakes by the Home Office.

How does this relate to the NHS and privacy?

The greatest hazard in this election comes not to/from Brexit, but rather the deeper, more insidious threat to the autonomy of every citizen from the State. It forgets the worldview that created the NHS: that no matter what the world’s darkness, there will always be people there helping.

In a Brexit world, the Home Office worldview offers the NHS just three choices: be nasty to ‘brown people’; be nasty to everyone; or ID cards. These are the only choices its worldview can see, while the perspective of the NHS is quite simple; healthcare, free at the point of use, for all those in need. Without discrimination.


Related pieces:

Data in the Rest of Government – the Cabinet Office Data Programme

If you see care.data as anything other than a complete success of vision and implementation, this Cabinet Office “process” should cause you concern.

Organisations that want to copy your data around Government have developed a figleaf to allow it. It forms the basis for the “Digital Economy” Bill that has been laid before Parliament, and which will be debated after the summer.

To inform that debate, we’ve used NHS England’s public comments to answer the Cabinet Office “Data Science” “Ethical” “Framework”.

Because we exclusively use NHS England quotes, this runs to 2 sides of paper in length. The Cabinet Office version is one side long, so this is twice as long as they think it should be.

If you’re wondering whether care.data could happen again, this is how:


Cabinet Office Data Science Ethical Framework: justification for care.data

  1. Start with a clear public benefit:

– How does the public benefit outweigh the risks to privacy and the risk that someone will suffer an unintended negative consequence? (PIA step 1)

“NHS England is introducing a modern information service on behalf of the NHS called care.data. The service will use information from a patients’ medical record to improve the way that healthcare is delivered for all.” (Source: NHS England)

– Brief description of the project, including data to be used, how will it be collected and deleted. (PIA step 2)

“The care.data programme will link information from different NHS providers to give healthcare commissioners a more complete picture of how safe local services are, and how well they treat and care for patients across community, GP and hospital settings.” (Source: NHS England)

    – What steps are you taking to maximise the benefit of the project outcome?

“At the moment, the NHS often doesn’t have the complete picture as information lies in different parts of the health services and isn’t joined up.  This programme will give NHS commissioners a more complete picture of the safety and quality of services in their local area which will lead to improvements to patient outcomes.”  (Source: NHS England)

“The information can also be used by NHS organisations to plan and design services better, using the best available evidence of which treatments and services have the greatest impact on improving patients’ health.”(Source: NHS England)

 

  1. Use data and tools which have the minimal intrusion necessary

– What steps are you taking to minimise risks to privacy? (for example using less intrusive data, aggregating data etc)

“The HSCIC has been handling hospital data securely in this way for decades.  The system is designed to be extremely secure, with a suite of safeguards to protect confidentiality.” (Source: NHS England)

“The service will only use the minimum amount of information needed to help improve patient care and the health services provided to the local community. A thorough process must be followed before any information can be shared and strict rules about how information is stored and used are followed.” (source: NHS England)

  1. Create robust data science models

– What steps have you taken to make sure the insight is as accurate as possible and there are minimal unintended consequences? (for example thinking through quality of the data, human oversight, giving people recourse)

“Everyone making healthcare decisions needs access to high quality information: clinicians need it to inform their decision making; patients need it when deciding which treatment option is best for them; and commissioners need it when making decisions about which services are right for their populations.” (source: NHS England)

 

  1. Be alert to public perceptions:

– How have you assessed what the public or stakeholders would think of the acceptability of the project? What have you done in addition to address any concerns?

“Materials and guidance have been developed in collaboration with the Health and Social Care Information Centre (HSCIC), British Medical Association (BMA) and the Royal College of General Practitioners (RCGP), to support practices to raise awareness. Patients who are not happy for their data to be used in this way can ask their GP practice to make a note of this in their medical record and this will prevent their information leaving the practice.”  (source: NHS England)

 

  1. Be as open and accountable as possible?

– How are you telling people about the project and how you are managing the risks?

“NHS England, together with the Health and Social Care Information Centre, announced that throughout January, all 22 million households in England will receive a leaflet explaining how the new system will work and the benefits it will bring.  The leaflet drop is the next stage of NHS England’s public awareness plan and follows wide consultation with a range of stakeholders including GPs and patient groups.”  (source: NHS England)

– Who has signed this off within your organisation? Who will make sure the steps are taken and how? (PIA Step 5)

“This programme is too important to get wrong, and while I think that there is understanding on both sides of the House about the benefits of using anonymised data properly, the process must be carried out in a way that reassures the public.” (Source: Secretary of State, Jeremy Hunt, to Parliament)

 

  1. Keep data secure

    – What steps are you taking to keep the data secure?

“The NHS is very good at preserving the privacy of people in analysing that kind of data.” … “in 25 years there’s never been a single episode where the very strict rules have ever compromised the patient’s privacy,” (source: Mr Kelsey of NHS England on BBC Radio 4audio)


According to the Cabinet Office, that’s all you need to do as “answering these questions will also act as your Privacy Impact Assessment” (top of page 6). That is clearly ridiculous – the above is as false and misleading as it is entirely accurate. The care.data privacy impact assessment was 32 pages long plus other supporting documents.

The Digital Economy Bill makes the above superficiality entirely legal for any part of Government to acquire data from any other, and will be discussed by Parliament in September.

Reporting to a new Minister, and a new Director General, the GDS data programme needs an external review to provide constructive input from outside the existing whitehall silo. Otherwise, across Government, the public facing legacy of GDS may become care.data style fiascos.

Data use in the rest of Government: Where is the consultation on any ethics?

Where is the consultation on any ethics?

As care.data was in the NHS bureaucracy, this consultation is about doing more of what Government been doing already: Not better sharing, just more copying.

If this wasn’t about databases, the same consultation could be had about buying more filing cabinets, ink, and scribes. Continue reading

Data in the rest of Government: Put data to good use?

{this is a background reference blog post, ahead of more on the Cabinet Office’s data copying consultation. The call to action will be in the next newsletter.}

Let’s make data easy to put to good use” says the Cabinet Office. But good for whom? Good for the civil service? Good for each citizen? Who makes sure the balance is right?

Care.data was claimed as a “good use” of data. The details showed it to be something radically different. The Cabinet Office consultation launched last week is about bureaucracy as usual. The mantra is reform, but the reform is to bring all the benefits to Government, and the downsides for citizens.

Digital transformation, this is not.

Continue reading

First Thoughts: Government data: Copies of more than medical records?

The consultation is supposed to be about using data to help citizens; but the proposals and principles are about how Government thinks it can do one thing to help all citizens – that seems unlikely.

Yesterday, the Cabinet Office opened their consultation on copying everything but medical records. It is a consultation, not about data, not about citizens, but about Government. It’s officially about “better” use of data, but “better” in this term seems to mean “more”, not “improved”.

As care.data was about NHS England not patients, the same #datacopying mistake has been made.

In short, this consultation is the latest step in the ongoing data debacle of Government. Rather than suggest learning the lessons of care.data, most of it doubles down on repeating the failures by institutions and their shared worldview of an office near the Thames.

We find out within days what the Caldicott Review will recommend, and see where the NHS thinks this should go. If the Cabinet Office were accurate about having worked closely with DH, then this consultation does not look positive. 

A blog post by the Data Sharing network will appear shortly (we’ll update this post) on how the process reached this point.

The relationship to medical records

At the launch meeting for the consultation, the Cabinet Office said that the lessons of the Caldicott Review of consent had been considered, and this consultation was working with the Department of Health team. I can only hope that Cabinet Office paid as little attention to what DH were saying as they have paid to others.

The NHS number makes an oblique appearance, in part 3 below; although it’s only in the original consultation document if you know that it’s there.

Continue reading